Public Notice: Treacle

PUBLIC NOTICE

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NOTICE is hereby given to all Traders concerned,

that, on and after

Sunday, April 23rd, 1922,

the Importation and Sale of Treacle

within the North Mayo Brigade area is strictly prohibited

until further notice.

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An infringement of this order will

entail a fine of not less than £50 0s. 0d. (fifty pounds),

as well as the confiscation

of all prohibited goods.

———————————

By Order,

COMMANDANT

(Ballina Herald, April 22nd, 1922)

Easter Memories

                      EASTER MEMORIES

                             

        -----------------------------

  An Oration and Some Reflections       

at Ballina Celebrations

    ----------------------------

    A March to the Cemetery at Leigue

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  An Exclusive Report in the "Western People" on April 14, 1928.

      (List of names provided by "Ballina Herald" of same date)

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S

TANDING by two well-kept graves, which are the sole occupied spaces in what is known at the 'Republican Plot' at Leigue cemetery, Ballina, on Sunday, 8th April, wrote the 'Western People' representative, his mind went back to an Easter Monday twelve years ago, in memorable 1916, which all these later demonstrations of a milder character are intended to commemorate.

  He continued: "That time of Easter, 1916, was a week of brilliant sunshine and genial summer warmth--not more brilliant sunshine than beat down on the bared heads of the crowd at Leigue on Sunday, but much warmer in every respect.

  "I was probably the only member of Sunday's gathering who could claim to have been "out" in Dublin in Easter Week, 1916. Let me hasten to say that twelve years ago as on Sunday I was "out" in my professional capacity as Pressman, and not as a combatant or a celebrator of combat. Most of those around the graves on Sunday were too young twelve years ago to have participated in the activities of that bloody by memorable week which laid the foundation for the freedom won five years later, partly by strategy, partly by the guerilla warfare which followed, and not less largely by the aid of the Nationalist Press of Ireland, which is never mentioned when the disputants engage in their periodical distribution of "honours."

  "Let me further hasten to add that having seen something of the struggle in Dublin in 1916, having listened to the British guns as they pounded the G.P.O. and the houses and streets in the vicinity,  having seen the centre of the city, one of the finest thoroughfares in Europe, go up in flames that reached almost to the sky,. having seen something of the semi-starvation in the homes of Dublin  during that never-to-be-forgotten week, I am not anxious to witness a repetition of scenes of horror ever again. and having heard the claims of those who, according to  their own stories, were "out" in Dublin in Easter week, the wonder is that Ireland lost that first round of the struggle, for the number--according to the claims--would have completely overwhelmed the battalions of the British military engaged in the conflict. But it is safe to hazard the view that not one-tenth of those who claimed to have participated on the side of the insurrectionists of Easter Week, 1916, ever bore a gun or a despatch in that eventful week to help the little band who, foolishly or otherwise, started the racket.

  "Why should the ceremony to commemorate the happenings of East Week in Ballina, or even in Dublin, be regarded as the especial function of one section of the split movement? President Cosgrave and his family, on the one hand, and Mr. de Valera, President of Fianna Fail, on the other, were both identified with the rising of 1916. Why should only the followers of Mr. de Valera to-day make public commemoration of the event through people who, for the most part, were not in any way identified with the struggle of that week? That was the reflection which came into my mind as I stood by the graveside at historic Leigue and listened to a well-delivered oration, to the rosary recited in Irish by perhaps a dozen out of a gathering of over a  hundred people. Who, knowing anything of our latter-day history and disputation, of the manifestations of personal vanity, and exploitations of the memory of a small but gallant band that struck a blow in Dublin--and in Dublin only--in Easter week twelve years ago, will have the hardihood to attempt to supply the answer?

THE MARCH TO THE CEMETERY

  "After last Mass at the Cathedral 80 young men, drawn from the rural districts for the most part, formed up in fours, and without any of the military commands which are forbidden by the State, started off at a quick march on the mile and half journey to the cemetery. Behind, in mufti, keeping to the footpath, keeping to the footpath, were four members of the Garda Siochána--their duty to see that no violation of the law was attempted. Behind I noticed one young woman who kept pace with the quick march to the graveyard--the only lady in or near the cortege. Later, some motor cars conveyed other mourners to the graveyard.

  "The Republican Plot reached, Mr. Anthony Kerrigan, ex-D.C., stepped close to the two graves and recited the rosary in Irish, while all present, including the Civic Guards, knelt to utter the responses.

THE ORATION

  "The Rosary concluded, Mr. John Barrett, Crossmolina, formerly an officer of the I.R.A., delivered the oration, which was listened to in silence. He said:--

  "A cháirde go leír—The occasion which brings us together here to-day is a most important and solemn one—to honour the memories of those men from North Mayo who made the supreme sacrifice—the sacrifice of their very lives in order that the country which gave them birth might be freed from the Imperial shackles which bind her to England. On an occasion like this it is fitting that we should ask ourselves why is it necessary that so many of the youth of the country should, generation after generation, give their lives in a cause which certain people profess to regard as the parent on an unattainable ideal, but which all true-hearted Irishmen firmly believe is the real destiny of this country—a destiny which sooner or later is certain of fulfilment."

  Later on in his speech he added: "You know after England obtained a foothold in this country, more than seven centuries ago, the fight between Irish Nationality and British Imperialism at once commenced. How that fight proceeded you all know. Times there were when Ireland suffered periods of despondency, when all hope seemed dead, when the light of patriotism seemed quenched for ever, when the forces of Imperialism seemed to have gained a complete victory. But always strong men—men of courage and resolution—arose who would not allow the feeble spark to become extinguished, who preached the gospel of nationality to the young people, some of whom were only too eager to listen. Such a man was Theobald Wolfe Tone, a representative of the Protestant minority—a man whose object was to sever the connection with England by any and every means. Such a man was Padraic Pearse, the man who fired the spark of Easter Week, 1916—a spark which burst into a flame so fierce that its heat was felt in every mansion and hamlet in Ireland. Pearse made his appeal to the youth, and the youth responded nobly. It was in response to this appeal that Tolan and Hegarty, Morrison and James went forth to the sacrifice. It is in answer to the same appeal that Irishmen will always be found ready to lay down their lives in order that their country might live. May the memories of these men always remain enshrined in our hearts. Let us hope and pray that their sacrifices will stimulate those of us who remain to renewed and sustained efforts; to help us to remember that no matter how dark the clouds look that the clear sky is always behind, and that Nationalist Ireland is bound to emerge triumphant in the end".

  A further decade of the Rosary was recited, and the proceedings ended, and the gathering dispersed.

  A shortened version of what took place on that day in Leigue was printed in the "Ballina Herald". In its report it incorporated the names of those who were prominent in charge of the arrangements at Leigue and included: Messrs. James Loftus, Tolan Street; Tom Ruane, U.D.C., do.; P. A. Calleary, B.E., James Connolly Street; M. Curry, U.D.C., Sean MacDermott Street; M. J. Hegarty, Lahardane, etc.

  Mr. P. J. Ruttledge, T.D., was also present.

  Also mentioned in the "Herald" report were the names of the men of the North Mayo Brigade who gave their lives in the cause of freedom: Michael Tolan, Ballina; Joseph Healy, Ardnaree; Dr. Ferran, Foxford; Martin Flannelly, Attymass; Kerley Munnelly, Ballycastle; Edward Hegarty, Lahardane; Nicholas Corcoran, Ballina; Tommy Nealon, Clydagh; T. Howley, Enniscrone; P. Mullen, Attymass; Tom Roache, Ardnaree; T. James and P. Morrison, Knockmore (killed at Clifden). © P. J. Clarke, Ballina

The Hegartys of Crossmolina

      THE HEGARTYS:

                          ===============================

       A NOTEWORTHY FAMILY

            FROM CARROWKEEL

 (ADDERGOOLE), CROSSMOLINA

                             

                                  =======================

       (Extracts of the Hegarty family from “They Put the Flag a-Flyin”)

(The 1901 Census shows that the Hegarty family—Mr. John Hegarty and his wife, Ellen, lived in house No. 4 in Carrowkeel (Addergoole). In the house the census was taken were John and Ellen; Martin (Postman), Cecily, Pat, John, Bartly, and Eddy.; the 1911 census returns show they had moved to No. 1 Carrowkeel, and consisted of John and his wife; Martin (Postman); Ellen, Patrick (Postman); John and Edward. In the returns on the 1911 Census, John, the head of the family, signed it off and also included that eight members of the family were born and were all living at this time)

  Patrick Hegarty, the first 2nd Lieutenant of the Lahardane Company, who later became an organiser for Mayo and Sligo. He was sworn into the I.R.B. by Michael Kilroy in March, 1918. Patrick was arrested for illegal drilling and sent to Crumlin Road Jail, where he came into contact with many of the leaders of the movement including Austin Stack, Terence McSwiney, and Seamus Robinson of Tipperary. He helped plan the attack on Bellacorick Barracks in April 1920. (His brother, Edward, Sean Corcoran and Tom Loftus were in charge of the main body of men). Patrick served on the Brigade staff as well as being selected as a member of the Mayo Co. Council in late 1920. He attended the first Republican Council meeting.

 Martin Hegarty, eldest of the family, was arrested by the Black and Tans at his home and taken to Castlebar and Sligo jails. He was released several weeks later.

  Edward Hegarty, one of the first members of the Lahardane Company, took part in the attack on Bellacorcik Barracks in April 1920. He was killed during the Civil War on 25th July, 1922 at Glenhest, on the road from Castlebar to Belmullet. A monument to his memory stands by that road. He lies in the family plot in the Kilmurray cemetery.

  Bartley “Bart” Hegarty, a twin of Sean, and member of the Lahardane Company, went on to become the O/C of No. 2 North mayo Brigade Active Service Unit from 1921 through the Civil War. He also fought with the West Mayo and Connemara men during that time. After the war, he emigrated to Canada, returned to Ireland, and later settled in England. He never married. Died 9th October, 1973, and is buried in Kilmurray cemetery.

  The father of the family, John, was beaten so severely by the Black and Tans in late1920 that he died seven weeks later.

  Sean Hegarty, a member of the Lahardane Company, took part in the attack on the Bellacorick Barracks in April 1920. He was arrested by the Black and Tans, taken outside his house some distance away, and every hair of his moustache and head extracted with a pair of pliers, then beaten and kicked to the ground. His head swelled to three times its normal size and he died some time later.

  Cecelia Hegarty, the sister, was dragged along a gravel road on her bare knees and beaten. the injury to her knees set the stage for rheumatoid arthritis, which crippled her in later years and left her unable to leave a wheel chair. She died in 1946.

  Nell Hegarty, the keeper of the trust, who later married a Jordan, settled on the home place, and took care of her aging brothers who returned to Ireland.

Foreword to Ballina and its Troubles Times

Foreword to

Ballina and Its Troubled Times

  The Easter Rising of 1916 lasted from Easter Monday, 24th April, to 30th April, 1916, and it was the most significant uprising in Ireland since the Rebellion of 1798. The Rising was suppressed after seven days of fighting, and its leaders, among whom were Patrick and Willie Pearse, Joseph Plunkett, Thomas Clarke, John McBride, James Connolly, Thomas McDonagh, and others (15 in all), who were executed, and Sir Roger Casement was tried in London for high treason and hanged. Irish Volunteers units mobilised on Easter Sunday in several places outside Dublin, but due to Eoin McNeill’s countermanding order, most of them returned home without firing a shot. In the south, around 1,200 Volunteers mustered in Cork, but due to Eoin McNeill’s countermanding order, most of them also returned home without fighting.

There were brief attacks in Ashbourne, Co. Meath; County Louth; Enniscorthy, Co. Wexford. In the West Liam Mellowes led 600-700 Volunteers in abortive attacks on several police stations, but being poorly armed, and after hearing that large British reinforcements were on their way west and by the time they arrived the rising had already disintegrated. On Easter Monday morning, according to a former resident of the town, and one who had a great knowledge of Ballina, wrote to the “Western People,” in 1981, and said that Ballina was the first place in Ireland to fly the Tricolour “as,” he wrote, “on that morning when the people of the town were at 8.20 Mass in St. Muredach’s Cathedral, two members of Fianna Eireann— viz Vincey Calleary and my brother, Martin Mark, climbed the staircase of the Cathedral Spire and hoisted the National Flag from the top window about two hours before P. H. Pearse and James Connolly commandeered the G.P.O. in Dublin, and hoisted the National Flag there”.

  Although there was open hostility to the Insurrection from the church and other public leaders support for Sinn Fein was gathering momentum due to the fact that although the public did not mind the prisoners being marched off to captivity they resented them being executed. The Conscription Crisis of 1918 further intensified public support for Sinn Fein before the general elections to the British Parliament on 14th December, 1918, which resulted in a landslide victory for Sinn Fein, whose MPs assembled in Dublin on 21st January, 1919, to form Dáil Éireann and adopt the Declaration of Independence. Some survivors of the Rising went on to become leaders of the independent Irish state and those who died were venerated by many as martyrs, and to this day they are remembered in an annual commemoration in Arbour Hill in Dublin on Easter Sunday. Likewise the Republican memorial in Leigue graveyard in Ballina is also a place of commemoration on each Easter Sunday.

  Meanwhile the Great War trundled on and still men signed up to join the British army even though the list of men killed and wounded were published in the local papers. I suppose that great saying that humans have—“it won’t happen to me” probably crossed their minds. To a lot of them it did and Ballina (182) and the whole of North Mayo lost some of its finest sons on the battlefields of Europe and in faraway Iraq and India. When we read of the war at present in Iraq it is already recorded in history that at least thirty-two Mayomen fell in battle and disease and are buried in the graveyards there.

  In a series of article printed in the “Western People” in January, 1964, the writer of the articles took us back to the year 1918 and began his first article with these words: “It was the year the Great War ended but it was the start of another struggle for Ireland. It was a year when the political leaven of Sinn Fein worked its way through the national conscience until the country found a new will and a new resolve. It was a year of momentous events in Ballina, a year in which riots, baton charges, arrests and mounting nationalism testified to the loosening of an Empire’s grip on communities and inevitably upon the nation itself.  It was a year when recruiting teams visited Ballina and asked for Volunteers for the British army and wrote their own individual page of local history by the reactions they provoked. It was a year in which an aroused Ireland faced the threat of Conscription and found unity in tribulations shared as when fifteen thousand gathered for an anti-Conscription meeting in Ballina. It was a year which saw the rising star of Sinn Fein on a brightening horizon.”

  He continued: “The year opened on a note of anticipation. It was a time when the Irish Convention under Sir Horace Plunkett was meeting behind closed doors to hammer out a solution to the national aspirations. But what were the national aspirations? Home Rule within the British Empire? Sinn Fein were boycotting the Meeting of the Moderates, as the Convention became to be called, and Mr. John Flanagan, chairman of Ballina U.D.C., was one of the delegates.”

  Wrote a correspondent: “We cannot contemplate the situation that would arise out of complete failure but a feeling as in existence that ultimately the convention, notwithstanding a failure, would bear good fruit. Just at first, for a year or two perhaps, the extremists might hold sway, might carry the people with them but good sense would prevail sooner or later . . . in bringing together again the men of moderation and standing . . . to apply themselves to the task of saving their country by the creation of an autonomous nation within the Empire.”

  “Well there have been more accurate forecasts but even then there were signs for the discerning. In the same issue of the paper was a report on Sinn Fein Clubs which stated in part: ‘The country is now studded with Sinn Fein clubs and despite, perhaps because of the minatory action of the Government, every day sees them spreading. Some indications of the thriving state of Sinn Fein in Mayo was provided on Sunday, January 26th, in a downpour of rain, when Mr. de Valera addressed a Sinn Fein demonstration in Castlebar which was attended by volunteers from all over Mayo. Police from outlying station reinforced the local constabulary.’

  “In early March a Sinn Fein meeting was held in Crossmolina and an address was delivered by Mr. John Clarke, Ballina, who was described as speaking as a soldier or the Irish Republic. He was followed by Mr. John Moylett, Ballina, and both left no doubts as to their opinion of British rule”.  The follow-up to this proved to be an interesting case heard at Ballina Petty Sessions in March, 1918, in which four men—Patrick Gallagher, John Clarke, William Lydon and Francis Jordan were charged with disorderly behaviour at Ballina Railway Station on March 12th, when Thomas Ruane, Volunteer Captain was being removed on remand to Sligo jail.

  As earlier mentioned the threat of Conscription brought spontaneous action all over the country and in Ballina over fifteen thousand people on Monday, April 15th, at the call of the Ballina Board of Guardians through the clergy to protest against Conscription proposals. The meeting was held in the Fair Green, and North Mayo, North Sligo, part of East Mayo and Erris, were among the areas represented by bands of Volunteers who marched unopposed into town. There were present Sinn Feiners, Irish Party men, O’Brienites and men of no politics at all, all united under one banner of “No Conscription.” The “Ballina Herald” wrote: “The proceedings were marked by unexampled enthusiasm and unanimity and on the whole everything passed off quietly and peacefully, an isolated incident of a regrettable character on the streets after the meeting, along marring the day.”

  As the weeks wore on there were more marches and drilling and the police were put to the pin of their collar trying to keep an eye on all the activities that were going on (see Martin Lacken story). Arising out of the Sinn Fein demonstration in Foxford on Easter Sunday prominent speakers, including Dr. Ferran, were charged with having taken part in an unlawful assembly on that date (see story). Then on to May and Mr. Patrick Ruttledge defended Edward Murphy of Druminariffin, Bangor Erris, who was charged with drilling in Bangor on May 26th. This case was held in Ballina in July. The case was noteworthy for the remarks of the chairman, Mr. Hill. “The court was not constituted to punish a defendant but to make him do right (!) They were living under the most free constitution in the world and 98 per cent of the population were excellent citizens. The other two per cent at the present were giving trouble. Drilling was illegal and defendant (Murphy) had given an undertaking not to act illegally again and in the circumstances they would bind him to the peace for twelve months and in default or bail he would have to go to jail for two months”.

  And so on through the deceptive calm of late July and August until the “Herald” on August 22nd reported on what became known as the ‘Battle of the Permits’! Consequent on paragraphs in the Dublin Press as to instructions from Sinn Fein headquarters and the reading of a manifesto on August 18th in each club district in Ireland and the holding of assemblies for that purpose without a Government permit, considerable subdued excitement was manifested in Ballina on Thursday, and from what we have read since this feeling was general throughout most of the country. A fairly large force of police was drafted into town from outside districts during the day but most of the men returned to their stations between 5 and 6 o’clock. Up to this time there was no attempt to hold a meeting and no inkling of any such intention came to the ears of those not connected with the club. Shortly after 7 o’clock the town bellman announced a pilgrimage to St. Patrick’s Well at 8.30 p.m. and from 8 o’clock a number of people, with no regard to formation, went in groups to the well which is situate about half a mile from the town. There was a crowd of about 200 at the well when the Rosary was recited in Irish after which Mr. John Moylett, President of North Mayo Sinn Fein Executive and of the local Sinn Fein Club, delivered an address and called on Mr. P. Melvin, Secretary of the Club, to read the ‘manifesto.’ This having been done the assemblage dispersed. There were half a dozen police or so present under Constable Dwyer but they did not interfere with the proceedings, but it is understood that Mr. Moylett and other prominent Sinn Feiners were warned the previous evening that any meeting the following day would not be allowed without a permit.

  The sequel to the ‘pilgrimage’ was not long in coming. Mr. Melvin, who it is stated to have read the manifesto, was taken into custody shortly after 11 o’clock that night just as he was stepping into a boat for a night’s fishing. Next morning Mr. Moylett went to the barracks to see Mr. Melvin and he was there and then apprehended. The charge against Mr. Melvin was for reading, as alleged, this seditious document, and Mr. Moylett was charged with having caused it to be read, plus having a second charge being preferred against him for some remarks he made in the course of his address at the Blessed Well. Both prisoners were kept in the barracks until Sunday morning, when in the ‘wee small’ hours they handed into military custody by whom they were conveyed to Castlebar, and eventually both were taken to Dublin. in the following week’s issue of the “Herald” the only reference of the Permit Prisoners was a paragraph stating that Mr. Moylett had been removed to Galway. No mention was made of Mr. Melvin.

  A report of a Great War recruiting meeting, which was to be held in Ballina on Monday, 7th October, in the Town Hall made news in the columns of the “Herald.” The paper felt there would be a big attendance, as Ballina was all the time heart and soul with the Allies and fighting in the hour of gloom and with all that the town had suffered it felt sure that the town and district would take its due share in the hour of triumph. The paper in its 10th October edition reported: “The hall was crowded from stage to balcony and it was quite apparent all through that the preponderating element was wholly in favour not only of giving the speakers a fair and impartial hearing but of supporting the cause for which the assembly was called together wholeheartedly and to the utmost letter. But it was equally manifest that a small section in the back of the hall were determined to cause disorder which however, was but fitful and intermittent until the organiser, Col. O’Sullivan, was speaking, then the occasional interruptions and interjections gave place to an incessant din but on the whole it can be honestly said that the honours of the evening were with the speakers who outstayed the row and insisted on and got a not as satisfactory hearing as the people who came to hear desired, but at any rate they made themselves heard and Judge Doyle made himself felt.”

 The “Herald” report goes on: “A scene of intense confusion and noise ensued, angry cries were raised from the back of the hall and for several minutes the speaker could not be heard above the din. This continued despite appeals for order and the singing of ‘We’ll Crown de Valera King of Ireland’ from the back of the hall added to the uproar. Judge Doyle came to the rescue with a stentorian voice and this is the verbatim report of what transpired that night in the Town Hall:

  “Judge Doyle who again made himself heard above the din, said he began his address with the usual phrase ‘Ladies and Gentlemen,’ and when he the word ‘gentlemen’ he excluded from the term (boos), the cads, ruffians and corner boys (loud noises) and he repeated the observation lest it might not have reached the ears of the hounds to whom he was speaking. “There are gentlemen in the hall,” proceeded Judge Doyle, “But I have no words to give expression to my feelings of contempt and abhorrence for the howling traitors who are in the back of the hall (noise). This is the first time in my life that I’ve been ashamed of anybody calling himself an Irishman, but those are not Irishmen, they are mongrel curs. They are paid ruffians and lending themselves to the devilish work that is prescribed for them (loud confusion) and no words of contempt, contumely or abhorrence are strong enough to hurt in the teeth of those wretched, grovelling vipers here to-night, of the breed of reptiles”. Strong language indeed! The “Herald” went on: “The scenes of excitement continued for some time”, ended the “Herald” with characteristic understatement, but it must have been a rip-roaring night in Ballina. (See story – The Court Sequels).

  In its 17th October edition the “Herald” stated in a paragraph that Patrick Melvin, Ballina, who was courtmartialled and found guilty for reading a seditious document on August 15th was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment, one year being remitted. Then in its October 24th edition the paper reported of disturbances which followed the holding of a recruiting meeting in the Town Hall by the Queen Mary Army Auxiliary Group. The police used their batons and dangerous missiles were fired, so much so the streets of Ballina on Monday night were dangerous for the public. A number of police and civilians got hurt, some from batons and some from large stones and bottles which were used as missiles. The police followed a party into the Sinn Fen hall and an encounter took place there, and the following evening, acting under the recent proclamation, they closed the down the hall. There was also a sequel to this disturbance which ended up in the courthouse (See story—The Court Sequels).

  Unfortunately a large gap for the next two weeks exists in the files of the “Ballina Herald” so the narrative must be broken. Files of the “Western People” were destroyed subsequently and the “Herald” appealed to the public for any information that might help to fill in the missing links in the recreation of 1918. 

  By December the elections were about to be contested and nomination papers were due to be handed in by noon on Wednesday, 4th. At 11 a.m. a Sinn Fein band of supporters appeared, including the candidate, Dr. D. Crowley, and his election agent, Mr. P. J. Ruttledge, accompanied by Mr. John Moylett, President of North mayo Sinn Fein Executive, and Mr. Patrick Beirne, and a number of supporters handed in fifteen nomination papers relying on the one in which Mr. John Moylett, King Street was proposed, and Mr. P. Beirne as seconder. the assenting electors were: Thomas Gilmartin, Knox Street; Dominick Molloy, Bridge Street; John Clarke, King Street; John Caffrey, Mill Street; Thomas Ruane, Castle Road; Michael Tolan, Mill Street, and Martin McGrath, Gore Street. They were followed at 11.25 a.m. by Alderman Boyle of the Irish Party; H. C. Bourke, his election agent; and Mr. J. Ahearn arrived and handed in a nomination paper of Alderman Boyle. The assenting electors were James Murphy, J.P., King Street; T. A. Walsh, J.P., Editor of “Western People”, Arran Street; Dr. Francis Keane, M.B., Knox Street; Joseph McMonagle, Imperial Hotel; John Egan, Glencairn; John J. Murphy, Victoria Terrace, and John Carrigg, Ballina House. Both candidates were quite confident of being elected but already there were signs that the Sinn Fein avalanche was to bury the Irish Party. 1918 closed in an air of victorious delight for Sinn Fein but 1919, on the Ballina scene, was to carry its own crop of troubles.

THE 1920s

  In January, 1920, a visitor remarked on the number of ex-servicemen in Ballina, and the presence of these men wearing their badges showed that Ballina “did their bit” in the Great War. This was the year in which the local elections were due and it was noted that there was little or no excitement and the biggest stir of that week seemed to be occasioned by the absence of any band to play in the New Year. A notice in a newspaper stated that “Vigilance Committees are being formed in the West of Ireland to main order and suppress violence and although these committees are to a man Sinn Feiners, they will not tolerate shooting through windows, burning haystacks and maiming cattle and they are policing certain areas with great energy and success.”

  An irate contributor to a local paper notes that “the Dog Tax” in Ireland has now been increased to 4/6 and may be paid any time from now until the end of March. In addition to yielding more revenue this should help to rid the country of unwanted dogs.” On the local elections, the results were printed in the “Herald” on 22nd January and by the following week Mr. P. J. Ruttledge was elected chairman of Ballina U.D.C. on the spin of a coin. Over the next two months the “Herald” did not produce anything of note. However, in the issue of 8th April, 1920, there is this account of a local incident that was part of a nation-wide campaign.

  “The house of Mr. Carlos in Charles Street, Ballina (now Walsh Street), who is an income tax collector, was visited on Saturday night last at 11 p.m. by a party of masked and armed men. When a knock was heard at the door his daughter opened it and a number of masked men entered. Mr. Carlos was immediately covered with two revolvers and ordered to put his hands up and stand against the wall with which order he obeyed. Some of the party then went into the office while others made sure that any information of their presence would not leave the house until they had left. Those in the office went quietly through the books and papers and carried away with them nine books known as Schedule C and books Schedule B with other miscellaneous dockets. The dockets removed were in connection with Income Tax collection. The police were later on the scene and some time afterwards found traces of the documents which were destroyed by fire in the hollow under the Sisters of Mercy Convent in Upper Garden Street, and a bottle, smelling of paraffin, was found close by. The authorities are in search of information but it appears up to the present time no clue has been found. An attack such as this, in a thoroughfare of the town, and especially at such an hour, must make one feel the daring and determination of these concerned to carry out their instructions,” concluded the report. At a meeting of the Ballina Urban Council, as reported on May 27th, a proposition by the Chairman P. J. Ruttledge, and seconded by Tom Ruane, pledged allegiance to Dail Eireann. Another piece of interesting information was also reported on in the same paper in which the Clerk of the Council informed the members of the Council that he had been served with the final notice of the claim of the Revenue Commissioners in connection with the raid on the Income Tax Offices in Ballina. The £16,000 at first claimed had now come down to £66-11s.-4d.

  The “Herald” of 1st July reported that the first Dail Eireann Court was held in the Town Hall, Ballina, on Wednesday, the presiding arbitrators being Mr. Eamon Gannon, Esq., Co.C.; Mr. Luke Dodd, Esq., U.D.C.; and Mr. Tom Ruane, Esq., Co.C., and U.D.C. Mr. Martin McGrath acted as Registrar and a number of Irish Volunteers were present on duty and all the litigants had to sign an undertaking that they would abide by the decision of the court. The chairman, first addressing the court in Irish and then in English, said this was the first Sinn Fein Court held in Ballina and they, as arbitrators, would endeavour after heari8ng the evidence, to give a just and right decision. They would go carefully into the cases without any prejudice and nothing but the evidence could have any influence over their decision. They did not know a single one of the cases on the books and he now declared the Court open. A number of cases were heard and decided, and the paper stated that the report of the cases were unavoidably held over—in subsequent issues the cases never appeared, although further sittings of the court were published in full.

  Mayo County Council, at a special meeting in June adopted a resolution fixing a speed limit of 10 m.p.h. in towns and villages in the county and 20 m.p.h. in rural areas. In the “Herald” of July 8th the paper reported “that a very clever and daring raid was made on the Ballina railway station when a number of young men, all armed, entered and took possession of a wagon of petrol which had just arrived and in a short time had it removed to a motor lorry commandeered for the purpose and removed to a centre in town from where it was afterwards distributed by permit to merchants. We understand the company will suffer no loss as they are being paid for it.”

  The narrative for 1920 went on to the end of the year but the narrative in the following week’s edition, February 4th, did not deal with 1921, but with 1922. No explanation was given for this decision but since this period has now been covered in the book there is no necessity to cover it here. The last episode in this series was on Febraury 11th, in which the statement given to the Bureau of Military History by Stephen Donnelly is reported in full, in which it is called: “Ballina’s Part in the Fight for Freedom”. Other Ballina men who gave statements to this body were: Pappy Coleman, Ferran Terrace; John Moran, St. Muredach’s Terrace; Denis Sheeran, Lord Edward Street/St. Mary’s Villas; John Timony, Hill Street; Patrick Moylett, King Street, and George Hewson, Chemist, Arran Street (all Ballina). © P. J. Clarke, Ballina

The Fighting Men of Mayo

THE FIGHTING MEN OF MAYO

  In 1917 a reorganisation of the Volunteers in Mayo took place due to the fact that they had become very quiet after the happenings of Easter Week the previous year. The county was divided into four spheres of action—North, South, East and West.

FIRST ALL-COUNTY MAYO BRIGADE OFFICERS:

  O/C: Michael McHugh; Vice-O/C: John Hoban; Quartermaster: Michael Kilroy, Newport; Adjutant: Dick Walsh, Balla.

  Staff: Representing North Mayo: Patrick Hegarty, Lahardane; Tom Ruane, Ballina, Vice-O/C for East Mayo; Sean Corcoran, Vice-O/C from Kiltimagh, and Thomas Ruane, Kiltimagh, Vice-O/C for West Mayo; Tom Derrig, Westport, representing  South Mayo; Ned Moane, Westport; Liam Forde, Ballaghaderreen.

NORTH MAYO BRIGADE:

  The North Mayo Brigade was made up of 22 companies, and the following names were taken from Patrick Hegarty's Volunteer Witness Statement which he made to the Military Archives in Cathal Brugha Barracks.

LAHARDANE COMPANY: FIRST OFFICERS:

   O/C: Charles Flynn; 1st Lieut.: William Barrett; 2nd Lieut.: Patrick Hegarty; Adjutant: Patrick Hale; Quartermaster: Pat Carney; Drill Sergeant: Jimmy Jennings (ex-British soldier). Members: Sean Corcoran, Patrick Hegarty, Edward Hegarty, Sean Hegarty, Pat Joe Marley, Mike Marley, Mike Waters, Michael Gallagher, Martin Flanagan, Martin Gallagher, Martin McNeely, Pat Kelly, Edward Flanagan, Bernie Brennan.

BALLINA COMPANY:

  Tom Ruane, Joe Ruane, Frank Jordan, Alfie, Tucky and Vin Calleary, Joe Doherty, Patrick Ruttledge, Martin McGrath, Pappy Forde, -- McHale, Davy Ryder, the three musketeers—Pappy Coleman, Crimp Grimes and Chuddy Conway (known as Gultha-Gultha), Frank Flynn, John Moylett, Murty Gilmartin, John Moran, -- McCawley and Pat Cosgrove.

BONNICONLON COMPANY:

  Tom Loftus (one-time Brigade O/C); Pat and Tom  McAndrew, Scally Mallon, Pat Lafferty, Pat Lawrence, Seamus Kilcullen, (O/C Brigade at the time of the truce, and after); Tony Kilcullen, Matt Kilcawley, Tom Kilcawley, the brothers Gildea, J. Burke (Enniscrone); M. Tolan, Denis Tuffy, Denis Sheeran, Tom Finnerty, S. Kavanagh, Michael John Hanley, Tom Coen, Ned Hannon, Ted Kilgallon, Jack Byron, John Gallagher (Lakefield); J. J. Brogan, Patrick Morrison and Thomas James (Patrick and Thomas were killed in the battle of Clifden); Tom Burke, E. Browne, Jack Finnerty, William Jennings, James Boyle, William Doherty and Dr. Ferran of Foxford. Tom and Mick Harte, Paddy Bourke of Ballycastle; Dr. Crowley, Dr. Madden, Anthony Farrell, Michael O'Connor, E. Nealon (killed at the battle of Glenamoy); Sean Langan, -- Kelly of Belderrig; Michael Kelly, Michael Keaveney (Comapny Captain); Alex Boyd, Pat Boyd, John Barrett of Crossmolina; Mick Mulherin, Michael Mulderrig, Joe Sharkey, Andy McNeely (one of the first in Crossmolina); J. J. Leonard, Martin Harte, Michael Reilly, Pat Kelly, Pat Mayock, John Joe Browne (Mellows); the Moloney Brothers, J. Burke, Pat Coleman, Pat Loftus and Pat Corcoran.

ERRIS COMPANY: 

  Seamus and Tom Kilroy, Sean Munnelly, Mick Lavelle, P. Carabine, Tom Murphy, John Neary, John and M. Reilly, Dr. Gaughan and his brother, Mick. There were four Collins brothers and their wonderful mother who spent six months in gaol; Padraig McAndrew (an old timer); and Tom McAndrew who served on the County Council.

BALLYCROY COMPANY:

  Brian Corrigan, -- Sweeney, Louis Cleary and his aunts, among others.

CROSSMOLINA COMPANY:

 This company was commanded by James Flynn.

THE 1ST BATTALION FLYING COLUMN

  This column was commanded by Seamus Kilcullen and Matt Kilcawley.

NAMES FROM THE STATEMENTS:

 A number of statements were made to the Bureau of Military Archives, Cathal Brugha Barracks in the middle 'fifties, of the activities of the writers in the unrest that took place in the 1920s. In these statements a number of names of the participants were mentioned, and were as follows:

JOHN TIMONY STATEMENT, Captain, Crossmolina Com., 1917-1921:

James Flynn, Patrick Loftus, Martin Loftus, James O'Hara, Ned O'Boyle, Ned Murphy, -- O'Malley, Martin McAndrew, Andy McNeely.

PAPPY COLEMAN STATEMENT:

  Patrick Ruttledge, Sen. Tom Ruane, Stephen Donnelly, Francis Flynn, Denis Sheerin, Patrick Quinn, N.T., Patrick Lynch, Fred Quinlan, John Reape of Coolturk and Paudge Sweeney (while not members they helped Coleman  to escape from his captors); William Hennigan, Paddy Beirne, Paddy O'Connell, Frank Curran, Patrick Doherty, Patsy Kennedy, Michael and Mrs. Kelly of Barn Hill; Anthony Clarke and Coynes of Carragarry; Leonards of The Griddle; John McGowan , Vol. Officer Moyles (Killala area);Ronan of Ballina; Jim Devanny, Tommy Howley, Walsh brothers, Tony Clarke, Carrane, Michael Byron, Joe Healy -- see more

STEPHEN DONNELLY STATEMENT:

 Pat Kilduff, N.T., John Moylett, Ml. Beirne, Ml. Tolan, Tom Ruane, Paddy Hegarty, Paddy Gallagher, Willie Lydon, Martin Lacken, James Nicholson, Paddy McCann, John MacHale (later State solicitor); Paddy Farrell, James Walsh, Anthony Merrick, Tom Derrig, Patrick McNulty, The Quay; Jack Jordan, Paddy Coleman, Frank Flynn, Michael Mahon, Eamon Gannon, George Delany, Margaret Donnelly (CnamB)

  Commandant Patrick Michael Mannion from County Mayo, known to his friends as “Mayo”. He took the Anti-Treaty side in the Civil War. While taking part in a planned attack on the Headquarters of the Free State Army Intelligence Section at Oriel House, Westland Row, on the 17th September, 1922. the attack was thwarted by the Free State army and while walking near Mount Street Bridge Mannion, with two other Anti-Treaty soldiers, was challenged by troops of the Free State Army. He was wounded in the leg and captured by the Free State troops and was dragged to the corner of Clanwilliam Place by a Free State Officer and shot in the back of the head. The inquest into the death of Patrick Mannion returned a verdict of Wilful Murder. Patrick was buried in the family plot in Deansgrange Cemetery and the inscription is on the side panel of the large Celci cross and reads: Patrick M. Mannion, 2 St. Catherine’s Ave., S.C.R., Dublin, late Comd’t. T. O. 2nd Western Div’n., and ‘Mayo’ of Louth Brigade I.R.A. , whose life  was ended at Mount St. Bridge, Sept. 17th, 1922. Aged 22 years. Patrick’s father was an ex-Dublin Metropolitan Police Inspector.

·       The census of 1911 says that Michael Mannion, Patrick’s father, was born in Co. Roscommon, and his mother was Sarah Walsh, from Dublin. The Census form also states that Patrick M. J. Mannion, was born in Dublin city. The 1901 Census states that Michael Mannion was a soldier in the British Army.

·       Tom Heavey worked and lived in Ballina after the Troubles. His wife owned the Commercial Hotel in Teeling Street. Tom Kitterick retired from Castlebar and lives in Ballina with his daughter and son-in-law, Mr. and Mrs. L. Hendrey, on the Killala Road.

·       There are a lot of men not mentioned in these pages who served in the I.R.A. Two of the men that I had known were Tom Egan of the Hospital Lodge and my father, Tom Clarke, who came to work in Ballina town from Monaghan town in 1938. He was imprisoned for twelve months in Ballykinlar camp during 1921/1922.

Internment in Ireland 1922-'23

Internment in Ireland 1922-’23

 According to writer J. McGuffin (1973) “when discussing interment in the Twenty-six Counties it is often difficult to know where to draw the lines. The Civil War, from mid 1922 to mid 1923,was a period of intense bitterness. It left a legacy of hatred that resulted in friend shooting friend and old comrade interning old comrade.

 “Internment under the aegis of Irishmen was no improvement upon internment under the English. New camps were establish at the Curragh, Co. Kildare: ‘Tintown No. 1’ was built to accommodate 600 men, and ‘Tintown No. 2’ held almost 2,000. The military governor of the camp was Commandant Billy Byrne. Most of the men in Tintown No. 1 were from Mayo, Limerick, Kerry and Dublin. The men lived in huts with serrated concrete floors. They eventually were allowed to cook their own food and organise themselves in a variety of activities. The only legitimate way out of the camp was to sign a declaration forswearing republicanism forever, and a few did this to join the new civic guards”.

 This introduction brings us to the stage where Mr. Fred Devere, that doyen of historians, on looking through musty files of the “Ballina Herald” wrote in his “Herald Jottings” column: “Stories of yesteryear, read in the light of the present age, take on new meanings, and distance often heightens the interest of many such stories as the one we present this week. It starts with a copy of the “Herald” of the 1^st November, 1923, bearing the following letter:

 “Tintown Camp

“Curragh,

“19/10/1923

 “My dear Mother – This is going with young Brogan. It probably will be the last for some time, as we decided entering on hunger-strike to-night for unconditional release, whatever the consequences entail. Our enemies have tried to fool us too long and break our moral spirit, so we will either smash them by this strike or die. The Staters would release me on Sunday last if I signed their infamous document. I wrote them to-day pointing out that if the signing of the document was to be a condition precedent to my release, whenever it does come, must unconditional absolutely. This is written on eve of hunger strike. Good-bye now, dear Mother. Say some prayers for our success. I just got this chance of sending you this.—Your fond son, Martin”.

 “The letter was signed with the name of Martin McGrath, to-day a candidate in yet another political struggle.

* * * *

 “There is a human interest story somewhere in this if it can be dug up, we told ourselves, and set out to excavate. As a result we now take you back to Tintown No. 2 Compound at the Curragh, back to the year 1923, and to a group of Ballina men who were to suffer for an ideal. The story comes from the lips of Denis Sheerin (or such of it as his modesty and some keen questioning would permit), and in it you will hear the story of the ‘heroic 67’ and of Hut 16.

 “The hunger strike started in Tintown No. 2 Compound a few days after a similar strike in Mountjoy Jail and it lasted a total of thirty-seven days. The measure was adopted to enforce the demand for a general release of prisoners held in compounds in various parts of the country. Our story concerns the inmates of Tintown No. 2 in which Ballina men – Denis Sheerin, Martin McGrath, Pappy Forde, Pappy Coleman, Michael Forde, the late Jimmy Walkin, Padhraig McAndrew and Bonniconlon’s Thomas Loftus were involved. The Camp Committee in Tintown decided on strike action, and when put to the individuals the 1,200 odd prisoners backed the demand to a man. Their determination was to be sorely tested in the grim days to follow.

THE STRIKE

 “Hardest part of the test was the first week or so, when the effects of a diet of warm water, salt and pepper began to take its toll of the will of Tintown No. 2. Despite the high morale and determination of the leaders, as the days wore on the number of inmates driven by hunger to break the strike began to mount. As man after man broke he was transferred by the authorities to another camp, and his companions, grim-lipped and pale, told that he had been released. With the alleged promise of freedom at the price of a mouthful of food, it is not to be wondered that many took the easy way out. Anyone who has done the fast at Lough Derg can speak eloquently of its rigours. Imagine ten days of plain water and salt, and wonder at the endurance of the men in the Curragh and elsewhere.

 “On the 11^th day of the hunger strike a meeting of the Camp Committee was held. For the sake of morale and the general good, it was decided that those who felt they couldn’t carry on the strike should break off immediately, while those who felt they should carry on would take the burden. On the final count it was found that sixty-seven men elected to remain on strike, while all the others broke it off. Two of the Ballina contingent who joined the sixty-seven were Denis Sheerin and Thomas Loftus, Bonniconlon. The rest abandoned the strike in the general breakaway following the committee meeting on the 11^th day.

HEROIC 67

 From what we could gather from Mr. Sheerin, no determined effort to break the strike or to feed the prisoners forcibly was made by the camp authorities. Following the decision of the 67 men, they were transferred from their usual billets and lodged in Hut 16. There they lived and lasted, adding their moral support to the movement that was already bring action elsewhere.

 “In Mountjoy the other strikers, led by Michael Kilroy and Tom Derrig  (present Minister for Lands), had a meeting with the Minister for Defence , General Mulcahy, and it was arranged that a big release of prisoners would take place immediately the strike ended, though not all would be released. With escort and transport provided by the authorities, the Mountjoy leaders set out to bring the news to strikers all over the country.

 “At three o’clock on the morning of the 23^rd November, Tom Derrig entered Hut 16 in the Tintown Compound to end the 37-day ordeal of the 67 men, mostly Cork and Kerry members. Derrig himself was on the 43^rd day of his hunger strike. By this time the men in Hut 16 had been reduced, through ill-health and breakdown, to 21, among them still the two Ballina men. ‘No real I.R.A. man broke the strike between the 1^st and 10^th day while there was spirit left,’ said Denis Sheerin in explanation, ‘and most of those who broke off were not members of the I.R.A’.

 “At any rate the sacrifices of Tintown No. 2 were not in vain. Following the agreement prisoners were released at the rate of 100 a day, though some did not receive freedom until the following year. Denis himself was released on the 13^th December, 1923, and hut 16 became something to recall with a quiet pride. It was quite an effort to get him to talk of those times, but another item of Ballina interest was the fact that the camp doctor at the time was another Ballina man—now Surgeon –Captain Vincent Walsh, Bridge Street, Ballina.

 “Note: The reference in Mr. McGrath’s letter to the signing of the “infamous document” refers to the paper presented by the Free State to prisoners guaranteeing consideration of the prisoner’s release by the Minister for Defence if the prisoner signed to the effect that he would not take part in I.R.A. activities and would give no assistance. “Very few I.R.A. men signed that, hardly any at all,” was Denis Sheerin’s reference to it.

UNIQUE DISTINCTION

 “The trials of a hunger strike were no novelty to Denis Sheerin on entering Tintown. In June, 1922, during the Truce between the Free State and the I.R.A. Convention at the Four Courts, he was arrested in Roscommon station. Free State troopers, searching the train for P. J. Ruttledge and Dr. Madden, took him into custody when he was recognised by Commdt.-General Fitzsimons. A solitary I.R.A. prisoner in Roscommon Jail, Denis went on hunger strike as a protest on the infringement of the Truce, and continued his strike from Monday to Friday, when he escaped to find his way back to Ballina. By that time the flame of Civil War had been lit in the country, and the man who, by his strike in Roscommon, found himself the only hunger-striker in Ireland at the time, went back to active service once more”.

                                                                                                                                 TATLER TWO

--------------------------------------------

ANOTHER LETTER

  Fred Devere, for whatever reason, left out another letter which appeared with the above in the same edition of the paper. It came from Padraig Hegarty, and it was sent from Gormanstown Interment Camp. It reads: “Gormanstown Interment Camp, Sunday, 23^rd November, 1923: My dear Mother—This is a little message to you, perhaps it may be the last, but don’t worry in the least. I am on hunger strike with the rest of my fellow prisoners for unconditional release or death. I know it will be hard on you considering you have already lost father and brother Eamon. Now I want you to be patient and brave. In a few short years we have all got to die. It is the way we are prepared to die that will matter; the material things of this earthly sphere will not count. We will be happy in the eternity of Heaven; have no fear of this. Mother, suffering here on this earth will only purify our souls for that great event. My conscience is clear in what I am undertaking. I harbour no revenge and bear no enmity or hatred against any man, forgiving all, as I hope to be forgiven for the sins of my life by my Creator. God bless you, dear mother, accept my fondest love. Love to Martin, Shawn, Bartley, Celia, Lill, Nell and children, and last but not least, Maureen. Give my love to all my old comrades and  friends. Goodbye now, dear.—Your devoted son, Padraig”.

 “P.S.: No need for you send any more parcels of any description”.

Ballina Fag Incident!

“THE BALLINA FLAG INCIDENT”

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COMPELLED TO PARADE WITH UNION JACK

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DASTARDLY TREATMENT OF BALLINA MERCHANTS

BY AUXILIARIES

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(Similar report which appeared in the Ballina Herald of 2^nd February, 1922,

and in Western People of 4^th February)

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T

HE full story of the circumstances under which six prominent Ballina merchants were publicly paraded with Union Jacks by Auxiliaries in January of last year, while one of them was compelled trail a Sinn Fein flag, afterwards burned, in the mud, was told at Ballina Quarter Sessions on Friday, before his Honor County Court Judge Doyle, when the six merchants concerned – Messrs. Michael and Patrick Beirne, John and Michael Moylett, Dominick Molloy, D.C., and Martin Corcoran, U.D.C., claimed £2,000 each, from this episode known as “The Ballina Flag Incident.”

  Mr. Price, K.C. (instructed by Mr. Mulligan) appeared for the applicants.

  The courthouse was crowded during the hearing of the application.

  Other headings which the “Western People” attached to their report read: Extraordinary Stories in Court; “Piece of Calculated Blackguardism and Savagery.”

  Mr. Price, opening the case, said they were all concerned with the same transaction and would have inevitably to be heard together. These occurrences took place on the 13^th and 14^th January last. Before that date the town of Ballina had been comparatively quiet, having regard to the state of the country generally. On the 13^th January, for the first time in the lamentable history of the last few years the town was visited by a party of Auxiliaries, he supposed with the intention of bringing peace and good will to the inhabitants, but they celebrated their visit by what he could only describe as a piece of calculated blackguardism and savagery, which even in these times it was hard to surprise. He knew it was hard to compare things with pre-war standards, for blackguardism as well as prices, had gone up; but even by the standards now set it would be hard to surpass for sheer blackguardism and rascality the performances of some of the Auxiliaries on the 14^th January. On the 13^th they came to the town, and apparently they had planned a regular show, which was to come off on the 14^th, and which was to be carried out with insult and humiliation to some of the most prominent and well-known citizens of the town. They were evidently on the look-out for his clients, or some of them, because in the middle of the day on the 13^th they visited Mr. Michael Moylett. It was unnecessary for him to tell his Lordship the position Mr. Moylett occupied in the town. Moylett Brothers were as well known a firm and as prominent a firm as any other in the West of Ireland. Two of the brothers, against whom these injuries, insults and humiliations were levelled, lived in Ballina, but there were also branches of the firm in Ballyhaunis and Galway. The third brother lived in Galway, and for some reason or other they had got a bad name with the Auxiliaries. On visiting Mr. M. Moylett they told him that he had better find when they next train left the town, and practically threatened his life if he didn’t leave the town. It appeared they were also on the look-out for Mr. Molloy. He did no sleep in his own house on the night of the 13^th owing to terror, but at 10 a.m. next morning they called on him, armed with revolvers, and asked him where he had been the night before. They told him not to leave the town on that day 914^th0. The other men they apparently didn’t visit, but it would be apparent from facts which afterwards transpired that they had gone round stating they were about to have a real show. About two o’clock next day brought Messrs. Moylett, Corcoran, Molloy, and Beirne severally to the barrack. What made the treatment of Mr. Michael Beirne particularly abominable and savage was that he had recently been extremely ill. His life was thought in danger, and he was suffering from an affection of the head. Notwithstanding that, he was dragged off to the hotel. While the five men were in the hotel they were jeered at, insulted, and their lives were threatened. Mr. P. Beirne heard of his brother—whom he knew had been very ill, and who, perhaps, had not been quite so prominent politically as he himself—being taken away, and very gallantly and in a brotherly spirit he went down to tell these men. Perhaps he didn’t expect such ruffianly treatment as he afterwards got, as he went down they captured him and gave him the same class of treatment they had given the others. They had then these six men in their power, and they told them they would give them a walk round the town of Ballina, as it was the last time they would ever see it. The crowd which they had evidently arranged for had then collected, and the six men were brought out of the hotel. They were lined up in pairs, and it showed how callously they had rehearsed for this farce, which was in some respects a tragedy, when they had Union Jacks tied on heavy poles, and they made each of these men carry these flags. These men were not young men, and they had to carry these flags aloft, and if any man for a moment allowed his hand to drop he was subjected to a kick in the ribs or a blow from a revolver and made hold it up again. They thought this treatment not sufficient humiliation, and in the presence of his neighbours they forced one of the Moyletts – John – to trail a Sinn Fein flag, which they had prepared for the ceremony, in the mud; compelled him to keep in stooping position all the time.

  It might be a subject of amusement, counsel continued, to see a man trail a flag that he himself honoured in the dirt, but he thought that they, by their conduct, trailed their own flag more in the dust than the Sinn Fein flag on that occasion. The men were marched up Knox Street, King Street, and were then brought back to Tyler’s Cross by John Street, Hill Street and Bridge Street. Here they were ordered to kneel down in the mud and kiss the Union Jack. If they objected they were thrust down and beaten down. Mr. Corcoran was struck in the back of the head with a revolver so as to force his face against the pole of the flag. It was then suggested by one person who called himself and officer that they should burn the Sinn Fein flag publicly, but another officer stepped in and said it was not to be done there. They were then marched down again to the Imperial Hotel and up again to Laings, where they were arranged in a circle for the ceremony of the burning of the flag. One man, who tried to preserve a nonchalant air, pulled out a cigarette to smoke, and he was struck in the mouth for doing so. The men were afterwards made sing “God Save the King.”

  He did not know what form of respect anybody could have in singing under such circumstances a song which was after all only a hymn. It was nice reverence for either God or the King. If they didn’t know it they were made grunt out something about the King. They were brought back eventually to the Moy Hotel again and given a lecture on loyalty. As he (counsel) understood loyalty it meant obedient and adherence to the law of the land. There men themselves had organised an unlawful assembly, and were transgressing every law of decency and loyalty. The scenes on the street were photographed by some people who come there with cameras. Mr. Michael Beirne, as a result of the treatment he received, had been very ill and was not yet recovered. He was ordered away by his doctor. His head was still very much upset and he suffered from sleeplessness. The others had suffered great indignity and great pain on that occasion.

  Counsel submitted that his Honor could give compensation for the humiliation they had undergone as well as the actual physical pain, and developing his argument at length, pointed to the analogy of a girl who had her hair forcibly cut. Large amounts, based on the humiliation inflicted on them, had been awarded to such persons.

  Michael Moylett was then examined and deposed, in reply to Mr. Price, that he was living in Ballina since 1902. Down to the 13^th January things were partly quiet in Ballina, and on that day a number of Auxiliaries came to town. He was visited by two Auxiliaries and a Black and Tan that day. They asked him for his brother’s address, and he could not tell them. They then abused him and cuffed him and said he was a member of the murder gang and threatened him and told to clear away by the next train if he valued his life. On the following day an Auxiliary officer came into the room where witness was eating his dinner. He said: “You are the man we want; come on.” Witness said if he could not get his coat and cap, and the officer said he did not need them where he was going—that he would be in hell shortly. Witness, however, managed to get his cap and coat in the hall as he was passing out. There was another Auxiliary outside the shop, and they both took him down to the Moy Hotel. There they met what appeared to be a superior officer. One of them said: “this is Moylett, and what are we going to do with him?” and the officer replied: “Put him into the room until we dispatch him.”

  “A very superior officer,” Mr. Price commented.

  Moylett continued: “There were five or six drunken Auxiliaries at the bar”. He was then put into a room. They mentioned his brother’s name in Galway and said he escaped them, but that witness would pay for it all. They accused him of being a gunman, and said he would a gunman’s fate and that he should be prepared for it. Shortly afterwards his brother John, Martin Corcoran and Dominick Molloy were brought in and they were all lined up outside the hotel. They said they would claimants a walk round the town for the last time to bid farewell. They were lined up in pairs, he and his brother, John being behind. While they were standing in front of the hotel they were joined by Mr. P. Beirne. Five of them were given Union Jacks on poles and a remnant of a Sinn Fein was given to his brother who was compelled to trail it along the ground. They were kept about twenty minutes standing on the street before they were marched, and there was an “unusual” crowd there at the time.. They were made to hold the Union Jacks aloft in their hands. Each time their hands dropped they were punched in the ribs with a revolver or a fist and made to hold them aloft again. The majority of the Auxiliaries had their revolvers drawn. After being about ten or fifteen minutes standing in front of the hotel they were brought in again, as the Auxiliaries were apparently waiting for some people to turn up. Witness described the parade through the town. They were marched towards the Post Office and down Hill Street towards the bridge. It was difficult to carry the flag aloft owing to the weight of the poles, and at Tyler’s cross they were formed in a circle and made kiss the Union Jack in the gutter. Mr. Molloy was punched with revolvers and knocked down and made kiss the flag. When they were made kneel down one of the Auxiliaries held the flag and punched them in the face with it. Mr. Corcoran was punched in the mouth with a revolver and put bleeding. Afterwards they were marched down Knox Street, and they were brought back again towards the Pawn Office lane, where petrol was poured on the Sinn Fein flag which his brother held and it was burned. After the flag was burned they had to sing “God Save the King.” None of them would start the sing, and Auxiliaries started it. Applicants were punched to sing, and when they could not get anything from them like music they stopped.

  His Honor—It was not harmonious (laughter).

  They were then marched back to the Moy Hotel, where the listened to a sermon from one of the Auxiliaries.

  Mr. Price—What was his text?

 “Loyalty to the King and Empire,” witness answered. They were told how well off they would be if they were loyal and obedient like all the other loyalists. When the lecturer was finished he, lecturer, got a bit excited, and he said that they were the traders, and if anything happened to the loyalists or members of the Crown forces in the town they would be held responsible, their places would go up and they would come down. They were then told they could go and be careful to remember what they had been told.

  Mr. Price asked were there people taking snapshots on the occasion and his Honor remarked that that could only be remotely connected to the case.

   Mr. Price—It shows the nature of the insult and the publicity of it.

  Witness said that he was still suffering from nervousness and sleeplessness as a result of the treatment he received on that occasion. He was very much upset as he believed the Auxiliaries would carry out their threats, and he was told they came to town to have revenge on his family. On the following day two armed Auxiliaries visited him in his private room and wanted him to contradict a report of the previous day’s occurrence which appeared in the Dublin papers, and to state that they marched voluntarily. He said he could not do that, and one of them produced a revolver and said life was sweet and advised him to do as he was told. They said he would have to sign a paper to that effect, but he did not sign it.

  His Honor—Was it voluntarily?—Not at all, my lord.

  John Moylett, a brother of the last witness, gave somewhat similar evidence. He described how the Auxiliaries came to his shop at 2 o’clock and said that his brother in Galway “had gone west.” He was taken down to the Moy Hotel without being allowed to see his wife or put on an overcoat. Witness was compelled to trail the Sinn Fein flag and as it was small piece of cloth he had to stoop down to keep it trailed. During the march he got several punches of a revolver in the ribs. At the Cross he was hit on the back of the neck and the ribs with a revolver. They threatened his life as well as the others. When they were asked to sing “God Save the King” he got a punch in the mouth when he did not know the words. He also got a “kidney punch”, which was very painful. He was very nervous since and he was shook up to the present day. He was very sore and stiff for some time. Subsequently he was asked to say that the thing was done voluntarily.

  Martin Corcoran generally corroborated. He was brought to the bar of the Moy Hotel, where were a lot of drunken Auxiliaries, who flourished revolvers. He was asked was he a ‘Shinner’ and he replied that he was, and the Auxiliary replied—“You will pay for that.” They also punched him in the stomach, and one of them said, “I will knock that big stomach off you.” He was afterwards paraded around the town with the rest and assaulted as stated by the other witnesses. When he protested against kissing the Union Jack he was struck several times and once in the mouth with a revolver and put bleeding. When he did not sing “God Save the King” he was also assaulted. His whole side was black for a few months. He could not sleep afterwards at night owing to the affair. He still jumped up in bed if he heard a noise on the street.  He was visited by Auxiliaries next day, who tried to extract a statement from him that he joined in the parade voluntarily.

His Honor—That was silly. Even if they did get such a statement shouldn’t they know that nobody would believe it?

  Mr. Price—They would believe anything in the House of Commons or in England anyway (laughter). They would publish this all over England, and the innocent people there would believe it.

  Dominick Molloy gave evidence as to the treatment meted out to him on the occasion. The Auxiliaries visited his house the night before the affair, but he was not at home. They visited the house again the next morning and told him not to leave it until 6 o’clock p.m. At 2.30 he was brought to the Moy Hotel and paraded as already stated by the previous witnesses. Witness was badly punched and struck with revolvers. He was also asked to state that he paraded the town voluntarily. He was sore for a couple of months afterwards, and was still suffering from shock.

  Mr. Price, in reply to his Honor as to why these cases were not brought sooner, said that having regard to the nature of them the claimants were afraid to bring on the cases while the Black and Tans were in the town.

  Michael Beirne was also examined, and gave evidence as to the treatment he received on the occasion. Previous to the affair he had a serious illness (pneumonia) and his heart was affected. They told him they would soon put him out of pain. One of the Auxiliaries threatened to blow his brains out. There was a motor lorry after them while they were being paraded, and they were told that if they made a move they would be shot down by the machine gun that was trained on them. When he got home he was in a state of collapse. He had to leave the town the following day and remained away in London for six or seven months, on medical advice, and as a result one of his shops had to be closed up. There was a drop in his turnover during that period of between £6.000 and £7,000. His expenses while away were about £200.

  Mr. P. Beirne said he had to leave the country with his brother afterwards, as he got a message that they were going to assassinate him. He had to remain away about six months and lost three stone in weight.

  Dr. Walsh, who attended Mr. Beirne afterwards, said the state of his health at the time of the occurrence could not be worse. Witness saw the whole ludicrous performance himself, and he would not have been surprised had Mr. Beirne dropped dead. He saw Mr. Beirne that evening and he was in a very shaken state, his heart being very weak.

  His Honor—Is he worse now than before that happened?—He is; in fact he could not be much worse.

  Recalled, Mr. Moylett said all the claimants intended to lodge claims immediately but it was owing to the presence of the Auxiliaries they did not file them.

  His Honor, delivering judgment on Monday, referred to the fact that the majority of the claims with which he had dealt with were instituted later than was originally fixed by the statute—he was dealing with cases of personal injuries mainly. Under the statute of 1919 any claim for personal injury coming under that statute should be made within three months of the occurrence of the injury. Later, however, it was found that for one reason or another in several cases it might mean a great hardship and injustice to hold to that limit, and therefore another Act of Parliament was passed in the year 1920 giving a judge a very great latitude, to the extent that he was entitled to extend the time, if he was satisfied for any reason it was just and reasonable to do so. In the present cases he was at first rather disposed to take the view that there was no particular reason for allowing these applicants to come in so long after the occurrence having regard to the fact that some applicants at least had come there at previous sessions and successfully maintained their claims arising out of transactions which occurred at the same period. However, on further consideration he came to the conclusion that it would not be fair to test the amount of resolution or determination another man had. Therefore, he felt that he should ignore the fact that some men had come forward at the earlier opportunity, even while the Auxiliaries were still in town, and simply have regard to the evidence given him in the various cases. Speaking of the cases as a whole, he was satisfied on the evidence the applicants were deterred from bringing forward their claims within what would otherwise have been a reasonable and necessary time by the apprehension they felt of which might occur if they did make a public complaint with reference to their injuries. He had, therefore, come to the conclusion that he should entertain the various claims on the books, but it was right to say that, whereas that state of thing applied, in his opinion, to all the claims brought before him, it did not all follow that a similar extension would be granted as a matter of course, or perhaps even granted at all, with regard to future claims, because he wanted to discourage the possibility of claims being brought as a afterthought, with a view to reducing the court to hold that they had been postponed for a legitimate reason.

  The next point on which he wished to say a word was the principle on which he conceived compensation should be awarded by a judge in case of personal injury. He was limited by the statute to three things—murder, maiming, and malicious injury to person. It was the last phase that applied to all the cases he had dealt with—malicious injury to the person. These personal injuries might be physical or mental, and they might involve consequences which in turn might be physical, mental or pecuniary, but he could give no compensation for the attendant circumstances under which the injury was committed, except in so far as they entered into the injury itself as an element. That was what Mr. Price characterised as a metaphysical distinction, but he could not take the view Mr. Price submitted. He thought it was a sound and necessary distinction, and he must exclude all attendant circumstances of humiliation in so far as they did not constitute part of the injury itself. He could give no compensation for the necessary humiliation that was thrown upon the applicant by coming there to detail the circumstances of the case. He could give no compensation—and this was, perhaps, the most important point of all—for loss of business that results from apprehension of future injuries.

  He had explained that he could give compensation for loss that followed from the injury inflicted, but he could not give compensation for losses that arise from apprehension of future injuries. He thought it right to state that, inasmuch as he saw that materially in many cases the amount claimed by way of compensation was based on what would be a perfectly proper claim if the perpetrators were there before the court. He expressed the same views already in regard to some terrible cases in Foxford, where he felt bound to give very moderate sums, stating at the same time that no sum would have been excessive if he were dealing with the perpetrators of the injury. The sums he would award in these cases would, therefore, fall far short of the amounts claimed, as he was dealing with the ratepayers of the county. As to the character of the injuries inflicted and the circumstances under which they were inflicted by person who claimed to be the champions of law and order and the defenders of person and property, he took the earliest opportunity in that court, as at previous Sessions, of expressing his views, and he felt that anything he might now say in reference to this matter would only be a repetition of the observations he had made from time to time.

   “There is no reason for repeating them,” his Honor concluded, “but this much I will say, if there is any town in existence which, in my opinion, called for respect and honourable consideration at the hands of these visitors, it was the town of Ballina.”

  His Honor then awarded Mr. M. Beirne £200; Mr. M. Corcoran £105, and £100 each to Messrs. Moylett, D. Molloy and P. Beirne, with costs and expenses.